The term consumption derives from the Latin consumĕre (to use until worn out) "to conclude", consummare meaning "to add up, complete", formed by cum and summa meaning "sum". (Treccani Encyclopedia). In fact, all the current variations in meaning seem to have to do with activities that involve carrying out , implementing, completing, finishing.
This paper will attempt to highlight the paradoxes and contradictions that animate today's society, defined as "consumerist" by virtue of the frantic need to possess objects that represent a certain status, without forgetting the essential materiality of this dimension, which the recent economic crisis has brought back to the fore.
Frequent intake
A first contradiction concerns the fact that consumption seems to have lost the dimension of deterioration , of the finiteness to which the etymology that was announced along the way refers. Objects like smartphones or clothing no longer remain unused by virtue of their obsolescence , that is, because they no longer function, but because they lose their attractiveness, the allure that the market imposes on them and on consumers, making them desirable.
Another aspect to consider, as we mentioned, is the drastic decline in consumption caused by the economic crisis , which is affecting diets, living standards, and family expectations. It is therefore necessary to ask: what level of awareness do social actors have about consumption practices and what guides their choices?
Identity vs. commodification
The birth of consumer society can be traced back to the 17th century , a period during which forms of standardized trade in raw materials from the colonies, such as tea, tobacco, coffee, and chocolate, spread. More precisely, however, it is a series of multi-causal factors related to the Industrial Revolution and the consequent expansion of the middle class , capitalist modes of production, and the development of advertising strategies through which goods were presented. From an ideological perspective, the Calvinist ideology oriented toward saving and capital accumulation , and the recourse to waste by the nobles of high finance as a tool to assert their superiority, were fundamental. For these classes, in fact, consumption ceased to be linked to the sphere of sustenance and survival, becoming a symbol of identity and differentiation.
However, it would be completely misleading to reduce consumption to a label that encompasses the capitalist excesses of the twentieth century. Consumption is a multi-causal phenomenon, the product of a democratization of access to resources that emerged with what is called " mass society." It is from this social turmoil that the foundations are laid for satisfying those needs defined as secondary because they are not related to the sustenance of the family unit.
Increased social complexity also impacts the meanings and expectations associated with sales and consumption practices: we're not just selling products, but also results, ideas, and both explicit and latent values. This is why marketing has become central and is no longer limited to simply persuading consumers to buy, but must first and foremost aim to build their trust over time. First, purchasing, and then consuming, represent the final step in a process that involves several steps : identification, recognition, engagement, and sharing.
Goods as elements of status
Goods have always been elements of status, tools through which one could communicate belonging to a class or a certain lifestyle. Sociologist Veblen described this trend in terms of "conspicuous consumption." Veblen 's theory distinguishes three distinct phases, depending on the different historical periods:
- The first is that of "mass consumption" which goes from the end of the nineteenth century to the end of the Second World War and which is characterised by a increased production which also becomes accessible to less well-off classesIn this period consumption comes to be conceived as a ostentation and advertising stories look like fairy tales which symbolize one status. Mostly, there are examples of people who, from conditions of absolute poverty, manage to revolutionize their lives.
- The second phase goes from the Second World War to the end of the 900th century and is characterised by a strong democratization of the purchase of durable goods (cars, appliances, televisions) and then from a subjectivization of consumption that becomes hedonism. Pleasure comes from the purchase of a good that is popular in everyone's homes. The stories told in this phase are fairy tales of life. An example that falls into this type of narrative are the advertisements of Barilla.
- The third phase, which began a few years ago and is currently underway, is characterized by intimate tendencies. A product/service is not purchased to show off, but rather you buy something to live it to the fullest, enjoying its features and the improvements it brings.
The competitive landscape has thus shifted to storytelling. Storytelling is used to communicate a product's identity , position a brand on the market, shape the economy, or defend against attacks. This is why the focal point of any narrative is to succeed and survive in a highly heterogeneous and competitive environment.
Furnishings and shopping: two issues to be addressed from a feminine perspective…
The identity-building function previously announced is still deeply rooted in purchasing and consumption practices today. The dynamics of preserving family heirlooms and furnishing country homes affirm that they embody the history of the family that lives there and the traces of those who have lived there in the past. They also testify to belonging to a class, the bourgeois, which is also reflected in a recovery of the authentic and which places itself in open opposition to mass culture, in which the presentation of the home (particularly the kitchen and living room) reflects the representation of the self.
Conservation, recovery, and restoration practices thus serve a dual function: to differentiate themselves from the dominant, often "vulgar," class and to celebrate the family's historical memory . Coal irons, wagon wheels, and antique bicycles are just a few examples that, as we anticipated, demonstrate the relativity of criteria by which "worn" objects are deemed obsolete or worthy of being exhibited as heritage to be preserved.
Objects such as family chandeliers contribute to the process described by De Martino as "appesamento ," or the creation of a horizon of meaning that responds to individuals' need to give meaning and construct a sense of normality that produces in those who inhabit it the sensation of "feeling at home." This is what Appadurai defines as luxury consumption , referring to those goods that perform a social function based on their ability to create value, placing the emphasis on their authenticity.
Preserving family genealogies and the commemorative value of objects (engagement gifts, photo albums) is a distinctly feminine concern . This is because, in line with the third phase identified previously, objects are charged with feelings, effectively becoming "subjects" of experience, emotionally charged.
The reception in the rooms of a house is characterized by a clear definition of roles , as well as a series of "staging" dynamics, according to which interviewees consider it inappropriate not to wear appropriate attire when welcoming guests. Leaving the furniture dusty is also considered inappropriate. The very way rooms are presented can be an interesting indicator of the habits and lifestyles of their inhabitants.
Enhance home furnishings
The function of enhancing the value of home furnishings to the outside world is demonstrated by the ritual whereby, when a guest is welcomed into a home, the host leads them on a tour of the various rooms. What ethnographic studies call a "house tour" represents both a tool for communicating one's status and also allows outsiders to express their appreciation for the style choices.
In this sense, the practice of "tidying up" upon the arrival of a guest seems to reflect a tendency toward organizing domestic environments. It is precisely the female figure that has been at the center of discussions of consumption, both actively and passively, since the dawn of time. According to Veblen, they contributed to the development of capitalism to the extent that the display of clothing and their refined tastes were symbols of their husband's status, while for Simmel, the weakness of the female condition , stemming from their disadvantaged social position, means that women find in fashion and consumption the shared language through which they can express their essence , something they are unable to do in other areas of social and collective life.
Waste and recycling: a symbolic issue underlying the culture of waste
The centrality of the symbolic dimension emphasized at the beginning is confirmed by the dynamics of waste disposal . The ambiguity of this term's definition seems to automatically suggest, even on a semantic level, that waste is scrap or, in any case, an object that can no longer be reused . Borrowing again from the definition proposed by the Treccani Encyclopedia, waste is defined as "any solid or liquid material resulting from a process, whether domestic, agricultural, or industrial."
The marginalized, low-value role attributed to this "waste" clashes with the reality in which entire metropolitan cities are brought to their knees and left to decay when waste management policies are inadequately managed. From this perspective, Campania, and then Lazio, represent a prime example in recent history.
The concept of waste has traditionally been framed within two perspectives: the spatial one, which, starting from Douglas 's theories , conceives waste as disorder : waste, in this case, is an entity that threatens social equilibrium ; it is associated with something dirty that must be eliminated . Then there is the spatial one, which, starting from Thomson, conceives waste as a phase, and not necessarily the last, in the social life cycle of an object. This is theoretical confirmation of the fact that objects today are no longer abandoned because they no longer function, but because they have been superseded within the (symbolic) value chain by something more "attractive."
From the perspective of the consumer goods that populate supermarket shelves, however, the central issue highlighted by empirical research is different. That is, conceiving waste according to a spatial dimension , as something that must be disposed of elsewhere , actually represents the main obstacle to recognizing the potential for creating new value from it.
This is confirmed by the fact that those who deal with waste disposal, on the one hand, consider it a degrading profession, and on the other, consider themselves courageous for their ability to handle such a "complex" or, better yet, "dirty" job. There are also those who consider it a non-job, because "throwing things away" is an activity that is relegated to breaks or at the end of the day, compared to putting new goods back on the shelves.
In classifying the various types of waste, special mention should be made of broken goods , which are those goods registered as products entering the hypermarket but then not leaving because they were damaged or stolen. This category also includes products that are about to expire. The paradox of these is that, for disposal, they are classified as "returned to supplier" but then end up being binned on-site. Detergents are especially important, because what matters is that the supplier receives the barcode to avoid unnecessary and burdensome administrative burdens.
The question to ask is to balance the numbers: does this matter more than the possibility that these products will be consumed in other ways? The same question could also be extended to simply products presented in multiple packages. If these become damaged, the goods are automatically excluded from sale, even though the products could be sold individually but with codes different from the one they were registered under upon receipt.
It's clear, then, that the boundary between waste , saleable goods , and refuse is defined by a defining contingency that also impacts attempts to donate these consumer goods, no longer saleable but still consumable, to nonprofit organizations. Ultimately, it's a matter of recognizing, as Appadurai did, the political dimension that determines the value of goods. When these goods lose their status as exchangeable objects, they automatically become waste, even when they could still be easily consumed or used.
Consumption: between scenes and behind the scenes
In conclusion, the aim of this examination of theories, definitions, and empirical cases is not to offer a complete and exhaustive description of the characteristics of consumer society, but rather to trace, both in consumption and in the articles examined, an approach that helps us shed light on a multiple and variegated phenomenon: the symbolic one . Borrowing Goffman's categories of "front" and "backstage," we simply want to reiterate what the social sciences have emphasized since time immemorial: man is a symbolic species to the extent that he attributes meaning to things to testify to his presence in the world.
This trend is evident in consumer dynamics: the distinction between what can be sold and what cannot is not determined by its unusability, but by the definition of the characteristics that define a product's conformity. To draw a sarcastic comparison with the categories mentioned above, we could say that the back stage is represented by the shelves with meticulously arranged merchandise, while the front stage is represented by the same goods hidden at the back of the store, discarded in boxes because they are deemed unsuitable, ready to be donated to the "poor." The same applies to furnishings considered vintage. What's the difference between an antique chair worth thousands of euros and one sold at a flea market?
If the meanings attributed to things play a central role in the creation of value in consumption, it follows that we must abandon the perspective of consumerism as an exasperating trend born of progress and well-being that imprisons passive individuals who simply allow themselves to be seduced by the allure of purchasing.
Recognizing purchasing motivations
Individuals, consumers, and users are increasingly technologically savvy. The era of passive consumption, typical of exposure to traditional mass media, is over. We've reached a stage where purchasing is achieved with a few simple clicks. However, while apocalyptic visions are reductionist, we must also recognize that consumption as a form of display ( influencers are a prime example ), which generates billions of euros , finds its raison d'être in one of the most recognized primary needs: identification.
Ultimately, it's a matter of recognizing that the motivations that drive purchases haven't changed; the models have , and sociology, which dares to be a science, must refrain from judging them. We "researchers" have the burden of asking the right questions, delving beneath the surface of phenomena, investigating the underlying motivations so that they reveal their social dimension: as meanings we attribute to things that give us the illusion (real or apparent) that we count for something in this vast world.
Reference Bibliography
- Appadurai A., Modernity in Dust, 2001.
- De Martino E., History and Metahistory: The Foundations of a Theory of the Sacred, 1995.
- Goffman E., Everyday life as a representation, 1979.
- Meloni P., Material culture, consumer practices, and household objects. An ethnography in Tuscany.a, Cultural Studies, 3, 395-414, 2011.
- Rabbiosi C., The unsolvable dilemma of the democratization of consumption. Women, shopping, and malls in Italy., Italian Review of Sociology, 2, 173-200, 2011
- Sassatelli R., Consumption, culture and society, the Mill, Bologna, 2004
- Sassatelli R., M. Santoro, G. Semi, Facing the Crisis: How the Middle Class' Lifestyle Is Changing, 2005
- Veblen T., Theory of the leisure class, 1899
Sociologist, copywriter, and journalist. I focus on topics related to inclusion and social rights. I also write about music, new media, and technology.
