This article presents the case study of the integrated social hub in Palermo, a center that provides access to vocational training, orientation, and job placement programs, as well as support for accessing local services, acting as a bridge between foreign citizens, institutions, and associations.
Prodromes: understanding who the foreigner is today
The process of constructing the subject's identity occurs in dialogic terms. The idea that the individual is conceived in monadic terms, within the social sciences, is far from complete. By deconstructing the term " in-dividuo ," we perceive the relational nature of being, since it is indivisible and, as such, plural and polycentric.
In an era dominated by the dialectic that oscillates between multiculturalism and ethnocentrism , the “ foreigner ” is, too often, linked to stereotypical expressions and prejudicial conceptions.
But who is the " foreigner " in today's society? The term literally refers to someone who is foreign to a certain place, state or context; who refers to the outside with respect to something else. The legal meaning alludes to the correlation between identity and territory which, anthropologically, refers to an individual dedicated to the alienation of De Martino's memory. Paraphrasing Alien Tarrius, who deconstructs the term in cultural terms, it seems reasonable to agree on the fact that: « It is not important to know whether this other is more or less foreign, more or less an object for us, but that he is different in seeing, in detecting what he produces from his difference in our places »[1].
The representation of the other and the stranger
Regardless of the multiple social constructions that foreign migrants become the object of, it is useful to remember the conditions faced by the social actors involved in a political and, subsequently, media odyssey. The representation of " the Other " follows specific logics subordinated to deterministic and evolutionary approaches, the product of conservative and, rhetorically, nationalistic ideologies.
The anachronistic and complex legal framework that triggers constant waltzes between pro-European politicians and bitter enemies of NGOs, invoking regulations and patriotism of all sorts, is the determining factor in the agonizing process of migrant entry/exclusion. Migration policies are surrounded by " streamlining practices " and legal amendments that respond to the multiple needs of supranational organizations , as well as agreements with the countries concerned.
To understand which policies of social deconstruction should be activated to undermine self-referential and conflictual behaviour towards migrants, it is necessary to dismantle the concept/label of " Immigrant " and resort to a sociology of migration that defines the latter as Migrant , because: « The term immigrant will not be used, but the term migration will be considered as complex social constructions in which three actors come into play: the societies of origin, current and potential migrants, the receiving society »[2].
Current scenarios present a kaleidoscope of plural images dedicated to a representation
" Other " and constructed than foreigners. Propaganda policies tied to xenophobic and ethnocentric ideologies portray migrants in oppositional ( us/them ) and problematic terms. The infamous warning: " Go back home! " and the dire events of which they are increasingly victims, clearly illustrate the current and anachronistic process of objectification and stigmatization that foreigners are subjected to.
If only one could grasp the weight of the Being hauled onto boats along the grueling journey that brings them to Italy, regardless of any international regulation, as well as the disappointment and anger that accompany these souls prey to the plunder of traffickers and the totalitarian and anarchic regimes that govern the lands from which they come; perhaps the foreigner would not be labeled a priori, but considered a Being in a holistic sense.
So, what are the needs of those coming from another country? What's the current state of play?
Data and problems faced by a foreigner arriving in Italy
According to the latest findings published in the 2023 Immigration Statistical Dossier [3], migrants in the world – people living outside their country of residence – amount to 281 million (1 in 30 of the 7,9 billion inhabitants of the Earth), of whom 169 million are workers. In turn, forced migrants , including internally displaced persons, reached 89,3 million at the end of 2021 (of which 53,2 million internally displaced persons, 21,3 million refugees, 5,8 million Palestinian refugees of 1948 and their descendants, 4,6 million asylum seekers and 4,4 million Venezuelans who fled abroad); but already in May 2022 they exceeded 100 million, mainly due to the high number of people fleeing the war that broke out on 24 February in Ukraine (overall more than 14 million at the end of September 2022). In 2021, a total of 632.655 asylum applications were lodged in the EU—where 3,5 million refugees and asylum seekers account for just 0,8% of the total population—(537.630 of them first-time applicants), a 33,8% increase compared to 2020, but a 9,5% decrease compared to 2019, before human mobility was disrupted by the pandemic.
The extreme vulnerability characterizing these flows is also evidenced by the large number of applications involving minors: 183.720, nearly 1 in 3 (29,0% of the total). Of these, 23.335 concern unaccompanied foreign minors, whose arrivals in 2023 totaled 6481.
Ukrainian refugees deserve special consideration, for whom the EU activated Directive 2001/55/EC for the first time on 4 March 2022. This Directive guarantees them temporary protection " in the event of a mass influx of displaced persons, " a protection that had previously been denied to Syrian, Afghan, and other refugees. Despite the favorable protection measures it provides (abolition of entry visas, temporary residence permits, the possibility of working, obtaining housing, and accessing other services), some discriminatory aspects of the European migration governance system remain undeniable.
Let's analyze the data
New residence permits were issued in the year to 241.595, more than double the number in 2020, and for the first time since 2015, those for work exceeded the 10% ceiling of the total (50.927: 21,1%), while family reasons accounted for 47,0% (113.455) and protection reasons for 13,5% ( 32.667, of which 27.401 for asylum requests).
But while the increase in new permits for family (+82,1%) and asylum applications (+112,3%) is directly linked to the reduction in mobility restrictions, the increase in new permits for protection (a few thousand, but an almost eightfold increase) and for work (almost fivefold) is primarily due to the regulatory interventions implemented: on the one hand, in December 2020, the new provisions on so-called "special protection" which, after the abolition of humanitarian protection in 2018, contributed to increasing the rate of recognition of asylum applications (42% in the first instance, compared to 24% in 2020); and, on the other, the regularization, launched in 2020 with the " Relaunch Decree ", for workers in the domestic and agricultural sectors. In fact, more than three-quarters of the new work permits issued in 2021 (38.715, or 76,0%) did not refer to new entries, but to the emergence of workers already present in the country.
There are nearly 5,2 million foreign residents , representing nearly 9,0% of the total population: 5.193.669, or 8,8%, according to the provisional 2021 data (in line with the 2020 Census, which recorded a population of 5.171.894). Consolidated 2020 data shows that nearly half (47,6%) of foreign residents are European, and more than a quarter (27,2%) are EU citizens.
With similar shares of more than a fifth, Asians (22,6%) and Africans (22,2%) follow, mostly originating from Mediterranean countries (13,3%), while Americans are 7,5%. Quite small percentages concern stateless persons and citizens of Oceania. Of the 198 communities present, the first five alone cover 48,4% of all foreign residents: the most numerous remain Romanians (1,1 million: 20,8%), followed by Albanians (433: 8,4%), Moroccans (429: 8,3%), Chinese (330: 6,4%), and Ukrainians (236: 4,6%).
Occupational segregation practices
For foreign workers, the effects of the 2020 pandemic crisis remain severe, especially because they compound the entrenched patterns of occupational segregation that have characterized immigrants' entry into the Italian labor market for decades, diminishing their potential.
Indeed, they continue to work in a few, unchanged sectors, according to a rigid division of both nationality (the origin of so-called " ethnic niches ") and gender, with limited occupational—and therefore social—mobility, even after many years of service and for those with higher education qualifications. In as many as four out of ten cases, men work in industry or construction (42,4%) and women in domestic and care services (38,2%), alongside those mostly employed in office and shop cleaning.
Due to this concentration in a few professions, the incidence of foreigners among workers (on average 10%) rises to 15,3% in the hotel and restaurant sector, 15,5% in construction, 18,0% in agriculture and a whopping 64,2% (a full two-thirds) in household services.
Overall, more than 6 in 10 foreign workers are employed in unskilled or manual professions (63,8%, double the 31,7% of Italians), such as laborers, farm laborers, waiters, porters, transporters, cleaners, etc., and only 1 in 13 holds a skilled job (7,8%, compared to 37,5% of Italians). Even among graduates, a full 32% hold a low-skilled or manual profession: 17,9% and 13,9%, respectively, compared to just 0,8% and 1,4% of Italians. It is therefore not surprising that a full third of foreign workers (32,8%) are overeducated, meaning they have a higher educational qualification than the roles they perform, compared to a quarter of Italians (25,0%), with women once again being the most penalised (42,5% of foreign women and 25,7% of Italian women are overeducated).
The concrete inclusion of the Integrated Social Center of Palermo
Narrating the experiences of migrants arriving in our country is a necessary act, which cannot fail to capture the harsh reality that unfolds before the eyes of these " seekers of hope." Exhausting journeys, corporal punishment, exorbitant sums simply to disembark, deaths at sea, precarious identity, poor language skills, endless bureaucratic procedures to complete to regularize one's status, the search for regular employment, and the hope of avoiding labor practices that lead to exploitation , violence, or the underground economy.
And, as if that weren't enough, the difficulty of finding stable housing that allows for a dignified life, along with all the social issues related to integration and access to health and community services.
The problems mentioned above are present everywhere, but Sicily and, in particular, Lampedusa, represent the centre of this process of transition and inclusion of migrants coming from all areas dominated by wars and states of emergency. Over 3 landings took place on the island last year, out of the over 100 that occurred in Italy and 59.767, those registered from 1 January 2023 to 23 June[4].
The Sicilian Regional Department of Family, Social Policies, and Labor coordinates the Integrated Social Centers project: support and orientation projects for non-EU citizens legally residing in the region, located in each of the island's nine provinces.
The activities of the Hubs began in 2022 within the macro-project of Su.Pr.Eme. Italia , in turn financed by the AMIF – Emergency Funds (AP 2019) of the European Commission – DG Migration and Home Affairs. In 2023, the activities of the Hubs were continued with “ Più Supreme ” under the PON Inclusion ESF 2014 – 2020 in favor of Immigrants. The Palermo Hub is operationally managed by Asante Onlus , an association that has been working for years in the reception sector, first of unaccompanied foreign minors (MSNA) and now of adults falling within the extraordinary reception process (CAS).
A multiple path for the foreigner
A multiple and complex path accompanies migrants who ask for help from the Center:
- a listening center that supports foreign citizens who decide to invest in this city;
- an intercultural mediation service, with the assistance of specialized mediators, which guarantees
- a fruitful understanding of the needs and requirements expressed by users and a bridge between the
- cultures of the multiethnic Panormite city;
- a social assistance activity concerning everything related to the inclusion process;
- a legal assistance desk, which allows foreign citizens to fulfill their obligations
- derived from the Italian legal context, as well as identifying, case by case, the regulations
- reference in relation to the legal-institutional sphere, in agreement with the status of the foreign citizen;
- psychological support, provided by the Center's psychologists, to address the many problems presented by users;
- Particular attention is paid to the work dimension, with a service concerning job orientation and the drafting of CVs, to increase the relationship
- dialogue with the businesses and foreign citizens present on site.
A methodology based on active relationships ( public-private partnership ) guides the Hub's mission , which aims to ensure greater accessibility to public services provided by the area, as well as encourage reporting practices related to cases of labor exploitation and constant monitoring of the informal micro-settlements of foreign communities present in the area, to ensure an inclusive and holistic model that takes into account the plural reality in which the Hub is immersed.
“ Support to include ”: this is the admonition that guides the inclusive practices of the Polo.
Valeria Salanitro
Bibliographical notes
- [1] Tarrius A. (1989), Phénoménologiques Perspectives dans l'étude de la mobilité, Questions de méthode, Paradigme e Circulatory spaces e Urban spaces. Differences between groups of migrants. «Studies and Migration. Emigration/ Etudes Migrations(1995).
- [2] Ambrosini, M., 2005, Sociology of Migration, Il Mulino, Bologna, p.18.
- [3] Cf. Migration Statistical Dossier 2022, IDOS Study and Research Center. Based on data from the UN, Eurostat, Ministry of the Interior, Istat, MIUR, UNHCR, World Bank, Infocamere, Mef, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Labor and Social Policies (https://www.dossierimmigrazione.it/).
- [4] See http://www.libertaciviliassociazione.dlci.interno.gov.it/it/documentazione/statistica/cruscotto-statistico-giornaliero.
