Hooliganism is one of the most widely studied modern social phenomena in social science (Clarke, 2019). This social phenomenon, which originated in the reactionary and turbulent actions of the British working class (Clarke, 1978), has been analyzed primarily in its various components, such as those related to its proximity to the skinhead movement (Clarke, 1973), its internal dynamics (Collins, 2004), and its dynamics as a resistance movement (Roversi, 1994).
The role of masculinity in ultras group dynamics
One of the most interesting dynamics in the social study of the ultra phenomenon is its vision of masculinity. According to the strand of the study of football violence that focuses on deviance from the norms governing social violence (Sale, 2010), masculine attitude plays a significant role in the actions of ultras. Indeed, according to this strand of study, hooligans channel their frustration through what is defined as a "violent masculine style" (Rovesi, ibidem).
The violent male style
Starting from the theoretical lines of Norbert Elias's configurationist approach (1988), which highlights how social violence can be controlled (Porro, 2008), researchers point out how these actions deviating from the current norm of control are methods of demonstrating masculinity through aggressive actions (King, 2011) which lead to initiation and acceptance into the ranks of the hooligan group of reference (Clarke, 2002). Hence the social term "violent masculine style".
Situational stratification
The violent masculine style is a social dynamic implemented by ultras members to implement the social dynamic identified as situational stratification . As indicated by sociologist Randall Collins (2004), this dynamic represents the conquest of group status through one's objectified reputation. Therefore, for the ultra, the main way to demonstrate one's value and virility will be to carry out acts of public disorder at matches and forays against opposing ultras groups (Roversi, 1991) and in general to display offensive attitudes towards opponents and the social class of affluent workers (Clarke, ibidem).
The dynamics of being evaluated as a virile member in the group
Drawing on the colors of the worker antagonism of the early industrial era, the hooligan, going against the processes of professionalization, internationalization, and commercialization of football implemented by the club's ruling class (Clarke, 2019, ibid.), takes actions against the "bourgeoisification" (Taylor, 1971). Taking part in actions such as storming the opposing fans' stands, support for the team and its symbolism, beyond the sporting elements and violent interventions against opposing ultras and the symbolism of the ruling class, allows the ultra to be recognized as a man and a member of the fans' stands (Hopcraft, 2013).
John Charles Bruni
Bibliography
- Clarke, J. Football Hooliganism. DeriveApprodi, 2019;
- Clarke, J. Football and Working Class fans: Tradition and Change. Inter-Action, 1978;
- Clarke, J. Football Hooliganism and the Skinhead, CCCS, 1973;
- Collins, R. Interaction Ritual Chains. 2004;
- Roversi, A. The Sociologist and the Ultra. 1994;
- Sale, A. Chaos and Order, 2010;
- Elias, N. The Civilizing Process. Il Mulino, 1988;
- Porro, N. Sociology of Football. 2008;
- King, A. (2001). Violent pasts: collective memory and football hooliganism. The Sociological Review, 49(4), 568-585.;
- Collin, R. Interaction Ritual Chains. 2004;
- Clarke, J. (2002). The skinheads and the magical recovery of community. In Resistance through rituals (pp. 99-102). Routledge.;
- Roversi, A. (1991). Football violence in Italy. International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 26(4), 311-331.;
- Taylor, I. (1971). Football mad: A speculative sociology of football hooliganism. The sociology of sport, 4, 357-377.; – Hopcraft, A. (2013). The Football Man: People & Passions in Soccer. Aurum Press Limited.
