Many simply associate them with noisy marches or days when cities come to a standstill. Yet strikes and demonstrations are essential forms of social democracy: tools through which the community (or a segment of it) expresses dissent, demands rights, and challenges the established order. In this sense, they embody a language that passes not only through the ballot box, but through the body, urban space, and visibility.

In this article we try to explore the sociological functions of these collective acts , their theoretical foundation, the limits and challenges that the contemporary context poses.

Index

Strike and demonstration: definitions and conceptual precautions

First of all, it is useful to clarify what we mean by these terms:

  • Strike: collective cessation of work by workers, with the aim of obtaining contractual concessions, defending working conditions, or opposing policies they consider unjust.
  • Event (or protest, march, sit-in): public mobilization in visible spaces (squares, streets), with signs, slogans, symbols, speeches, to draw attention to social, political, and economic issues.

Both fall within the broader field of collective action : forms of behavior by people united by the attempt to influence the existing order (political, economic, cultural). According to Treccani , "social conflict occurs when a group advances demands that, if accepted, would harm the interests of others"; strikes and demonstrations are ways of making that conflict manifest. However, they should not be considered neutral instruments: they are always contingent , mediated by power relations, resources, culture, and the institutional context.

The sociological functions of collective protests

Now, let's try to highlight the main functions that strikes and demonstrations play in society:

a) Visibility and recognition

Many social demands would remain invisible if they weren't transformed into actions that "occupy" public space. Through the march, the protester speaks out, gains visibility, and challenges the symbolic monopoly of institutions. In this sense, the symbolic dimension is central: public gestures speak louder than private words.

Charles Tilly has contributed significantly to this line of thought. From his perspective of contentious politics , protests are interlocutors of institutional politics but not separate from it: they interact, negotiate, and compete for recognition and resources (Tilly, 2022). Tilly rejects reductionist explanations (economic or psychological) that attribute protest to singular causes; he prefers a relational approach that considers the context, opportunities, and strategies of movements (ibid., p. 50).

b) Mediation of identity and cohesion

Participating in a strike or demonstration creates a sense of community: shared symbols, slogans, and belonging. It's not uncommon for people who didn't know each other before to identify with a common cause. In many studies of social movements, this aspect of identity is crucial: mobilization produces subjectivity (a "we") that amplifies the message's power.

Alberto Melucci is one of the authors who has emphasized this "cultural" dimension, analyzing how movements construct shared meanings, seek visibility, and propose interpretations of the world. (See, for example, reflections on border sociology dedicated to Melucci .)

c) Pressure on institutions and “showing the crisis”

The strike, in particular, has a functional dimension: it interrupts a production flow, temporarily undermines the institutional order, and exposes the fragility of the system if the protest is sufficiently broad. It's a gesture that says, "The system cannot ignore us." This pressure effect isn't automatic: it depends on the centrality of the striking sector, the degree of alliance with other actors, and the public attention it manages to mobilize.

d) Social rituals and the ritualization of dissent

Many demonstrations follow rituals: marches on symbolic dates, commemorative moments, customs of mourning, etc. This does not make them futile: ritual possesses symbolic force, legitimizing the right to dissent in societies that recognize public order. In some cases, even when they do not achieve immediate victories, they leave "traces" in the collective memory and fuel future mobilizations.

Theories of collective action: opportunities, resources and costs

For a strike or demonstration to emerge, favorable conditions must exist. Sociological theories have proposed various models:

Mancur Olson, in his classic The Logic of Collective Action , observes that rational individuals tend to "free ride" (i.e., not participate when they can enjoy benefits without contributing), unless there are selective incentives for those who participate. Applied to protests, this means that for many people to participate, the costs (time, risks, penalties) must be offset by strong motivations (identity, solidarity, efficacy) or concrete incentives. Another line of thought (resource mobilization theory) emphasizes the importance of material resources (money, organizational networks, media) and coordination capabilities to transform protest potential into concrete action. Those with organizational structures (unions, associations) have an advantage.

pension reform
learn more with “Réforme des rétraites: French squares in protest"of Andrea Gruttad'Auria
Credits: Jules*, CC BY-SA 4.0, via Wikimedia Commons

According to McAdam, Tarrow, and Tilly, the emergence of protests also depends on political opportunities : institutional openings, political alliances, a crisis of legitimacy within the order, and the scarcity of repressive costs. Protests, from this perspective, are modalities that respond to contingencies of the political system. In other words, even if there is discontent, not all societies or "fertile" historical moments favor mobilization.

Limits and risks of strikes and demonstrations in the contemporary context

Not everything is rosy. Here are some obstacles and tensions:

  • Representation and legitimacyWhen a demonstration brings together diverse voices, who speaks "on behalf of everyone"? The risk is that some demands could be co-opted or exploited by more powerful actors.
  • Real effectivenessNot all demonstrations or strikes achieve concrete change. "Success" can be symbolic, partial, or delayed.
  • Repression and criminalizationIn authoritarian or polarized contexts, protest can be repressed with laws, the use of force, or complaints, scaring away those who want to participate.
  • Digitalization and “slacktivism”With the advent of social media, the potential for online protest has increased (hashtags, petitions, digital campaigns). But these tools risk dampening the call for physical action: engagement can become superficial. However, the physical dimension of dissent (bodies in the streets) retains a symbolic impact that the internet alone struggles to match.

A historical look: the evolution of the protest repertoire

An important concept is protest repertoire : the set of modalities a social movement can employ (strikes, marches, sit-ins, boycotts, flash mobs, digital demonstrations). Over the course of the 20th and 21st centuries, the repertoire has expanded and diversified in response to technological changes, urban regulations, and shifting political sensibilities. What was impossible in the 1950s (e.g., cross-border occupations, global flash mob protests) is now almost "normal." Charles Tilly used the concept of "events" as visible moments of mobilization across historical time, recognizing the variability of the repertoire connected to the political structure of the context.

The Sumud Flotilla Case as an Example of Class Action

The recent mobilizations in support of the Global Sumud Flotilla provide a useful testbed for observing how the theoretical dynamics of collective protests find expression in concrete reality. The interception of the flotilla transformed a seemingly distant conflict into an opportunity for local and transnational mobilization: strikes were called in Italy, marches in major European cities, port blockades were held, and symbolic demonstrations were held in front of consulates and embassies.

First, these demonstrations highlighted the function of visibility : an issue that risked remaining confined to diplomatic relations was brought back into the public sphere through bodies, banners, and slogans. The protest, in this sense, does not simply denounce but also stage the conflict, confirming its central social importance.

Second, we witnessed the formation of a collective "we" : workers, students, diaspora communities, and pacifist associations shared the same space and the same cause. As Melucci recalled, protest is not only a tool for making demands, but also an opportunity for building identity and cultural development.

No less significant was the dimension of institutional pressure : strikes and port blockades demonstrated their ability to materially impact economic and logistical flows, signaling that the social order is not neutral but depends on the cooperation of those who work. Here the "contentious politics" described by Tilly manifested itself, in which protests enter into a conflictual dialogue with institutions.

Finally, the ritual component of the squares—flags, chants, sit-ins—played an integrative role, strengthening social bonds and creating shared memory. Even without immediate results, such practices leave lasting traces, keeping the issue alive and legitimizing the right to dissent.

References

  • Castañeda, E., & Schneider, C. L. (Eds.). (2022). Charles Tilly: on collective violence, contentious politics and social change: a select anthology (JC Tarriba, Trans.). Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales.
  • Olson, M. (2013). The logic of collective actionMilan: Ledizioni.
  • Tilly, C., McAdam, D., & Tarrow, S. (2001). Dynamics of Contention. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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